Globalization Theory on Welfare Provision

Globalization Theory on Welfare Provision Globalization theory implies that the nation has little autonomy in organizing its  welfare provision. Evaluate this statement, referring to at least two welfare regimes. At first glance this statement appears to be true when applied to the welfare states of both Germany and Sweden. For nearly a century the Swedish welfare system was the world’s pre-eminent example of the ‘social-democratic’ model of welfare provision; likewise Germany’s welfare regime was a classic instance of the ‘Conservative’ model. Yet in the late 1980’s and early 1990’s both models were aggressively assailed by serious economic difficulties. These difficulties have been attributed to the effects of globalization and they have been cited as evidence that idiosyncratic and distinctive national welfare schemes cannot resist world economic and social forces. Economic evidence appears to uphold this statement. Sweden’s unemployment figures rose for instance from less that 1% in the late 1980’s to over 12.5% in 1993. In Germany workers contributed 26% of their income to welfare in 1970 and over 40% by 1990. Faced with such figures Swedish and German governments have felt massive pressure to cut back on systems of benefits that their accustomed citizens have deemed essential for more than fifty years. Authors such as Esping Anderson argue however that – at least in the case of Sweden and other ‘social-democracies’ – the present economic difficulties of these systems are temporary phenomenon made more severe by a combination of unfortunate events in the world economy in the 1990’s. These pressures are ephemeral and when they pass away it will be possible to maintain the universal level of welfare guaranteed by the social-democratic model. Less optimism can be expressed for the German model which faces the enormous difficulties with its ageing population, rising tax-burdens and assimilation of East Germany. The term ‘globalization’ has become something of a bloated monster with many different heads each meaning for the people who use them slightly or considerably different things from the others. Even a casual glance at the literature will show that the term is associated with the spread of each of the following: internationalization, liberalization, universalization, westernization, modernization or deterritorialization (Held, 1999). There is little space in this essay to discuss these terms in depth, and so it is best here to give a consensus definition that draws from each of them. When referred to welfare regimes globalization signifies an economic and social compression and condensing of the world whereby financial and social interaction between states is intensified. The World Bank for example defines globalization as the â€Å"Freedom and ability of individuals and firms to initiate voluntary economic transactions with residents of other countries†[1]. Globali zation means that there is a greater flow of commodities and influence across the borders of countries. Economically, this means that free trade, migration, capital and technology have a far greater power to influence individual states and nations than they had before. National economies and institutions (such as welfare systems) are more susceptible to international pressures and are often forced to conform or modify themselves so as to be competitive with these general trends. In social terms, globalization imposes upon individual nations the need to conform to international attitudes, for instance, towards the rights of women. Acceptance of such impositions often requires profound changes to the structure of traditional national institutions or ways of life. Authors on globalization have been equally vociferous in their support and condemnation of the movement. Noam Chomsky, for instance, is publicly critical of the tendency of globalization to remove freedom and choice from the individual and to transfer it to transnational corporations. Chomsky argues that global organizations such as the Bretton Wood institutions, the IMF and the World Bank, have promoted the ‘Washington Consensus’ whereby poor countries have to reduce welfare provisions to meet debt payments to richer nations (Chomsky, 1999). Accordingly, the WTO, GATT and NAFTA are agencies that seek to acquire privileges for elites rather than those of the third-world. In contrast, those who promote globalization, such as the leaders of the institutions listed above, argue that globalization means a golden opportunity to build a platform for worldwide and universal democracy, healthcare, pension provision and all of the other basic rights expected by citizens of Western welfare regimes. Esping Anderson’s The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism (Esping-Anderson, 1990) is a seminal text in the literature of welfare states. As its title suggest, Esping’s book divides the various kinds of welfare regimes in developed nations into three types: Liberal, Conservative (Corporate), and Social Democratic. Examples of countries with Liberal welfare regimes are the United States, Canada and Australia. These systems support means-measured-assistance that issue benefits for mainly the poor or those incapable of self-assistance. Government intervention in the welfare system is limited since government institutions are seen as unsuited for the dispersal of benefits; private welfare initiatives are as such much encouraged. The liberal model is predominantly individualistic and market-orientated. Examples of the Conservative type include Germany, France and Italy. In this model welfare benefits are related to social position and employment status. This model depends heav ily upon the work of the Church which is intimately linked to the distribution of welfare – particularly provision for the poor. So too the family is a vital source welfare. Sweden, Denmark and Norway are examples of countries that practice the Social Democratic model of welfare provision. Referred to also as the ‘Scandinavian Model’ or the ‘Swedish Model’, this type of provision demands the intimate public involvement of its citizens in the economy and society of the nation. In such models the welfare state is an umbrella that protects the whole nation. For instance, education is universally free (or very cheap) and of such a uniformly excellent level that it is unnecessary to maintain private schools. Healthcare, childcare allowances and old-age pensions are available to all citizens. The philosophy of the social democratic model is that its institutions should be egalitarian whereby the standard of living for the whole nation is leveled as much as possible. Esping’s model has been highly influential upon the thought of scholars writing about the welfare state and upon practitioners within it. Esping’s work is also significant because he suggests that the social-democratic model may be able to weather the difficulties it has undergone by globalization since the early 1990’s. These ideas are now discussed with reference to the particular welfare regimes of Sweden and Germany. The German welfare regime is a classic example of the conservative model of welfare provision. Originating with Chancellor Otto von Bismarck during the 1880’s the German welfare regime gradually established compulsory insurance schemes for healthcare, accidents, disability and old-age. After Bismarck the German welfare state was further expanded during the years of the Weimar Republic and the Nazi dictatorship. In 1957 Chancellor Adenauer passed the Pension Reform Law which aimed to distribute on an egalitarian basis the wealth of the ‘economic miracle’ that Germany was experiencing at the time. This was a momentous and controversial decision that would lead to successive German chancellor’s competing to offer better and better – and more unrealistic and more unrealistic! – welfare provisions and retirement packages to German workers. Adenauer replaced Bismarck’s limited system of helping only the elderly or desperately poor with pensio n schemes linked to wages referred to as ‘pay-as-you-go’ (Beck, 1995). These schemes were highly successful during the boom times of the 1950’s and 1960’s and up until the 1970’s. The 1980’s and 1990’s however saw the beginning of a series of serious economic challenges to the German welfare model: the German economy began to slow, the re-unification of East Germany meant huge extra burdens for the system and the German population was ageing quickly. In these years pension contributions for German workers went up from 26% in 1970 to 40% in 1990 (Crew, 1998). German politicians failed to see and so prepare for these events. Chancellors Helmut Schmidt and Helmut Kohl sought to improve things by extravagant pensions promises that they knew they could not could not fulfill. Chancellor Kohl for instance famously claimed in his 1990 Unity Campaign that ‘When I say that we will not increase taxes, it means we will not increase taxesâ₠¬â„¢ (Bleses, 2004). Within a year gasoline, tobacco and insurance taxes had been raised as well as the solidarity surcharge added. Globalization became a major problem for the German welfare system in the early 1990’s when the world-recession hit Germany’s economy hard and made it difficult for her to sustain her generous welfare provision. Germany initially responded to the pressures of globalization by raising taxes steeply. Chancellor Gerhard Schroeder’s has recently sought to introduce comprehensive reforms of the welfare system – Hartz 1V[2] for instance to respond to globalization. German trade unions are intractably opposed to such reforms and have staged huge street protests against them. The ‘Swedish model’ of welfare provision is a classic example of the social-democratic type. The history of the Swedish model is closely bound to the aims of the Swedish Social Democratic Party which was founded in 1889. The SDP was set up by industrial workers who aimed to guarantee every Swedish worker (and later every Swede) medical insurance, pensions in old-age, redundancy protection and various other benefits that guarded them against poverty and hunger. The SDP based the Swedish welfare system upon very high taxation (as it remains today) and Swedes pay up to 60% of their total income to the government. 90% of businesses in Sweden are privately owned and pay large corporate taxes to the government also. The SDP’s interpretation of the welfare state was based upon high taxation and was referred to as the ‘People’s Home’. The SDP became the dominant political force in Sweden in the 1930’s (lasting in power for sixty years) and in 19 37 the Riksdag (Swedish parliament) passed a pensions scheme for the elderly that continues to the present. After World War II the SDP extensively enlarged the welfare regime. This extension included mandatory health insurance, dental insurance, child-care subsidies, five-week vacation periods and so on. Thus by the 1970’s the dream of the ‘People’s Home’ had been substantially realized. Nearly sixty years of near blissful conditions in Sweden’s welfare system were seriously threatened in the 1990’s by a series of economic difficulties which were attributed to globalization and adduced as evidence that individual national monetary policies cannot survive the effects of globalization (Rydenfelt, 1981). Sweden is the classic example of the social-democratic model ‘third-way’ between conservatism and laissez-faire and so if Sweden fails to protect its distinctive system then all others of this type are likely to fail also. Globalization is seen to have forced Sweden to reduce full-employment provisions and to slash benefits in its welfare regime. The electoral defeat of the SDP for the first time in sixty years was seen as further evidence of the ability of globalization to affect well-rooted national institutions. Evidence for the crisis caused by globalization appears convincing. Between 1990-1995 national growth was viscous at 0.4% GDP, une mployment soared from 1.6% in 1990 to 12.5% in 1993. Government expenditure measured in GDP climbed from 60% in 1989 to 74.1% in 1993 (Crew, 1993). These events had three principal causes. Firstly, the volatility of Swedish currency internationally in expectation of the finalization of the European Single Market and also the act of Sweden’s joining the EU. Second, the far-stretched depression of the early 1990’s that reached globally. Thirdly, the difficulties of maintaining the level of the Krona next to the Deutschmark after competitive devaluations were ditched in the 1980’s. This evidence can be interpreted in two ways. Some argue that the Swedish crisis is an inevitable consequence of lavish public spending and impossibly high welfare provisions. The other school, represented by Esping-Anderson for instance, argues that the Swedish crisis is temporary and that its welfare state is capable of surviving present economic difficulties. Events for this school ar e conjunctural (Esping-Anderson, 1990). Sweden is not the victim of globalization, but of a particularly unlucky set of economic coincidences. Finally it must be said that neither Sweden nor Germany has yet determined with certainty whether they will be able to resist the pressure of globalization to modify or replace their idiosyncratic national welfare models. Sweden and Germany face pressure from within and without. Globalization from the outside, and the absolute demand of their citizens for a continuation of the present generosity of their respective welfare systems. If Esping Anderson is right, Sweden may weather the storm and preserve its social-democratic model. For Germany the external pressures are greater and the rescue of its conservative model far less certain. Bibliography Beck, H. (1995) The Origins of the Authoritarian Welfare State in Prussia. Ann Arbor,  University of Michigan Press. Bleses, P. (2004) The Dual Transformation of the German Welfare State. Palgrave Macmillan,  Basingstoke. Castells, M. (1996). Information Technology and Global Capitalism’ in W. Hutton A.  Giddens (eds.) On the Edge: Living with Global Capitalism. Vintage, London. Crew, D. F. (1998). Germans on Welfare. Oxford University Press, Oxford. Chomsky, N. (2003). Hegemony or Survival. Metropolitan Books, New York. Chomsky, N. (1999). Profit Over People. Seven Stories Press, New York. Chossudovsky, M. (1997). The Globalization of Poverty. Impacts of the IMF and World Bank   Reforms. Zed Books, London. Esping-Anderson, G. (1990). The Three Worlds of Welfare Capitalism. Polity Press,  Cambridge. Hajighasemi, A. N. (2002). The Transformation of the Swedish Welfare System: Fact or   Fiction? University of Durham, Durham. Held, D (et al.). (1999). Global Transformations – Politics, Economics and Culture. Polity  Press, Cambridge. Kelner, D. (1997). Globalization and the Postmodern Turn. UCLA, Los Angeles. Kuttner, R. (2002). Globalization and Poverty. The American Prospect Online.  www.prospect.org./print/V13/1/global-intro.html/ Liebfried, S. (2003). Limits to Globalization: Welfare States and the World Economy. Polity  Press, Cambridge. Rydenfelt, S. (1981). The Rise and Decline of the Swedish Welfare State. Lund University  Press, Lund. Rydenfelt, S. (1980). The Limits of Taxation: Lessons from the Swedish Welfare State. Lund  University Press, Lund. [1] www.worldbank.org/globalization/definition [2] Hartz IV, Federal Agency for Labour: a law that offers reduced unemployment benefits at different levels in East and West Germany.

Demographics Of Madagascar :: essays research papers fc

Formerly an independent kingdom, Madagascar became a French colony in 1886, but regained its independence in 1960. During 1992-93, free presidential and National Assembly elections were held, ending 17 years of single-party rule. Madagascar's forests are a shimmering, seething mass of a trillion stems and dripping leaves and slithering, jumping, quirky beasts out of nature's bag of tricks. Cut off from the African mainland for millions of years, Madagascar's teeming forests are a naturalist's wet dream; they've preserved oddities and developed specializations found nowhere else on earth, and you can get among them in a spectacular collection of accessible national parks. But any nation that turns to North Korea for aid has got to be a basket case. Madagascar's Marxist generals as well as its chameleons are fresh out of the Age of Dinosaurs. The generals haven't got it right - part of the population regularly suffers malnutrition owing to bad seasons and archaic economic orthodoxies at home and abroad. Since human settlement, the forests have been whittled down to a mere 15% of their former extent, scores of species are on the brink of extinction and the topsoil is barreling down into the Indian Ocean like. The countryside alternates between astounding untouched forests and breathtaking human-induced destruction on a scale almost unmatched anywhere. Madagascar’s physical geography is not conducive of the current global trends and needs for economic production. They are severely behind the World as a whole in economic growth and restructuring to fit new world markets. Most of Madagascar lies in tropical or subtropical environment; the soil structure in these sorts of regions is not able to sustain long-term cultivation. The topsoil is good for agriculture for a few years, but after much longer it becomes burnt out, or depleted, and then it needs to rest for a period of time until it can yield a decent crop again. This is because of the way this soil obtai ns nutrients and the type of nutrients generally located there. Considering the island’s physical composition, it will be hard for the poor African nation to catch-up to the new world averages. Physical Geography Madagascar is located 250 miles off the eastern coast of Africa, just south of the equator. This island nation contains no ‘Principal’ lakes, oceans, seas, rivers or islands; however it does have one ‘Principal’ mountain- Maromokotro- that is located on the island’s central plateau. The island is over 1000 miles (1580 km) long and 350 miles (570 km) wide.

Earth Science Essay

– Discuss stellar evolution (describing each stage in brief). What forces are opposing one another throughout the life of a star and how do they influence the various stages in the life cycle of a star Stellar evolution stars exist because of gravity. The two opposing forces in a star are gravity (contracts) and thermal nuclear energy (expands). Stage 1 Birth is where gravity contracts the cloud and the temperature rises, becoming a protostar. Protostars are a hypothetical cloud of dust and atoms in space which are believed to develop into a star. Astronomers are fairly certain of their existence. Protostars are formed about a million years after a gas clump from an interstellar gas cloud has started to rotate and from a disk. The protostar is simply the core of the disk that formed from the clump of gas that was compressed inside the gas cloud. The star becomes a stable main-sequence star, which are characterized by the source of their energy. They are all undergoing fusion of hydrogen into helium within their cores. The rate at which they do this and the amount of fuel available depends upon the mass of the star. Mass is the key factor in determining the lifespan of a main sequence star, its size and its luminosity. Stars on the main sequence also appear to be unchanging for long periods of time. Any model of such stars must be able to account for their stability. Ninety percent of a stars life is in the main-sequence. A red giant is a luminous giant star of low intermediate mass that is in a late phase of stellar evolution. The outer atmosphere is inflated and tenuous, making the radius immense and the surface temperature low, somewhere from 5,000 K and lower. The appearance of the red giant is from yellow orange to red, including the spectral types K and M, but also class S stars and most carbon stars. The burnout and death final stage of a star depends on its mass. After a low mass star like the Sun exhausts the supply of hydrogen in its core, there is no longer any source of heat to support the core against gravity. Hydrogen burning continues in a shell around the core and the star evolves into a red giant. When the Sun becomes a red giant, its atmosphere will envelope the Earth and our planet may be consumed in a fiery death. Meanwhile, the core of the star collapses under gravity’s pull until it reaches a high enough density to start burning helium to carbon. The helium burning phase will last about 100 million years, until the helium is exhausted in the core and  the star becomes a red supergiant. At this stage, the Sun will have an outer envelope extending out towards Jupiter. During this brief phase of its existence, which lasts only a few tens of thousands of years, the Sun will lose mass in a powerful wind. Eventually, the Sun will lose all of the mass in its envelope and leave behind a hot core of carbon embedded in a nebula of expelled gas. Radiation from this hot core will ionize the nebula, producing a striking â€Å"planetary nebula†, much like the nebulae seen around the remnants of other stars. The carbon core will eventually cool and become a white dwarf, the dense dim remnant of a once bright star. Reference Lutgens, F. K. & Tarbuck, E. J. (2011). Foundations of earth science (6th ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall ES 1010, Unit 8, Question 12 – How do we calculate or determine the distances to stars? What units do we use and what are the limitations (if any) of the method used for such calculations? Measuring distance to stars has been considered a very difficult task. Stellar parallax is a method used to determine distance, the extremely back and forth shifting in a nearby star’s apparent position due to the orbiting motion of earth. The farther away a star is, the less its parallax. The light year is a unit used to express stellar distance, which is the distance light travels in a year, which is approximately 9.5 trillion kilometers (5.8 trillion miles). The parallax angles are very small. Proxima Centauri is the parallax angle nearest to the star. It is less than one second or arc, which equals 1/3600 of a degree. A human finger is roughly 1 degree wide. The distances to stars are so large that conventional units such as kilometers or astronomical units are often too cumbersome to use. Some limitations are that parallax angles of less than 0.001 arcsec are very difficult to measure from Earth because of the effects on the Earth’s atmosphere. This limits Earth based telescopes to measuring the distances to stars about 10.01 or 100 parsecs away. Spaced based telescopes can get accuracy to 0.001, which has increased the number of stars whose distance could be measured with this method. However, most stars even in our own galaxy are much further away than 1000 parsecs, since  the Milky Way is about 30,000 parsecs across. Reference Lutgens, F. K. & Tarbuck, E. J. (2011). Foundations of earth science (6th ed.). Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice Hall

Craniates - Crainata - the Animal Encyclopedia

Craniates - Crainata - the Animal Encyclopedia Craniates (Craniata) are a group of chordates that includes hagfish, lampreys, and jawed vertebrates such as amphibians, birds, reptiles, mammals, and fishes. Craniates are best described as chordates that have a braincase (also called a cranium or a skull), mandible (jawbone) and other facial bones. Craniates do not include simpler chordates such as lancelets and tunicates. Some craniates are aquatic and have gill slits, unlike the more primitive lancelets which have pharyngeal slits instead. Hagfishes Are the Most Primitive Among craniates, the most primitive is the hagfishes. Hagfishes do not have a bony skull. Instead, their skull is made up of cartilage, a strong but flexible substance that consists of the protein keratin. Hagfishes are the only living animal that has a skull but lack a backbone or vertebral column. First Evolved Around 480 Million Years Ago The first known craniates were marine animals that evolved about 480 million years ago. These early craniates are thought to have diverged from lancelets. As embryos, craniates have a unique tissue called the neural crest. The neural crest develops into a variety of structures in the adult animal such as nerve cells, ganglia, some endocrine glands, skeletal tissue, and connective tissue of the skull. Craniates, like all chordates, develop a notochord that is present in hagfishes and lampreys but which disappears in most vertebrates where it is replaced by the vertebral column. All Have an Internal Skeleton All craniates have an internal skeleton, also called an endoskeleton. The endoskeleton is made up of either cartilage or calcified bone. All craniates have a circulatory system that consists of arteries, capillaries, and veins. They also have a chambered heart (in vertebrates the circulatory system is closed) and a pancreas and paired kidneys. In craniates, the digestive tract consists of a mouth, pharynx, esophagus, intestine, rectum, and anus.   The Craniate Skull In the craniate skull, the olfactory organ is located anterior to the other structures, followed by paired eyes, paired ears. Also within the skull is the brain which is made up of five parts, the romencephalon, metencephalon, mesencephalon, diencephalon, and telencepahlon. Also present in the craniate skull are a collection of nerves such as the olfactory, optic, trigeninal, facial, accoustic, glossopharygeal, and vagus cranial nerve.   Most craniates have distinct male and female sexes, although some species are hemaphroditic. Most fish and amphibians undergo external fertilization and lay eggs when reproducing while other craniates (such as mammals) bear live young. Classification Craniates are classified within the following taxonomic hierarchy: Animals Chordates Craniates Craniates are divided into the following taxonomic groups: Hagfishes (Myxini) - There are six species of hagfishes alive today. Members of this group have been the subject of much debate about how they should be placed within the classification of chordates. Currently, hagfishes are considered to be most closely related to lampreys.Lampreys (Hyperoartia) - There are about 40 species of lampreys alive today. Members of this group include northern lampreys, southern topeyed lampreys, and pouched lampreys. Lampreys have a long, slender body and a skeleton made of cartilage.Jawed vertebrates (Gnathostomata) - There are about 53,000 species of jawed vertebrates alive today. Jawed vertebrates include bony fishes, cartilaginous fishes, and tetrapods.

New England Colonization essays

New England Colonization essays My name is Professor Kelly Griffin and I am thirty years of age and am presently a professor at the Harvard University in Massachusetts. I am enamored with the finer things if life as being a professor of the first university founded in the New World can do During the last decade of times we as Americans have seen the likes of trial and tribulations which we as Americans had to face. We have been involved in a most difficult war with the English for our independence which through battles and bloodshed we were able to claim. Now we are faced with yet another difficult task of uniting this glorious country so that we may be able to thrive for centuries to come. Recently, members of each state in our country came together in Philadelphia to form a document called the Constitution. There has been much debate as to whether this document is the proper solution to forming the framework which our country will use for centuries to come. My position on this issue is I would favor the ratification of this document for the betterment of our society. However, I would prefer the architects of this document be quick to include a section which will protect the rights of all people in the country and we do not have a central government too powerful for the people of this country to control. I feel the Constitution should be ratified by the delegates of each state because the guidelines stated about the distribution of the government powers be separated into three branches of government would in my opinion be able to check the power of each branch which would keep from having a single powerful government head. I also feel the establishment of the Executive, Legislative, and Judicial branches to control each sections of government would be beneficial to the success of keeping the states in the country unified. We will be able to use the Constitution as the framework of how this country ...

Speech Final about our last group project Essay

Speech Final about our last group project - Essay Example With the ever increasing multicultural diversification of the society these dynamics are therefore predicted to remain as a major concern for group workers like us volunteers. Team dynamics is determined by factors like, environment of the team, time, and composition of the team. The group dynamics can be categorized into five main domains: (1) patterns of interaction and communication processes, (2) cohesion and attraction that arises interpersonal, (3) influence and integrating socially, (4) control and wiled of power, (5) and the overall culture of the group. Comprehension of group dynamics is critical for effective practice with individuals together with the community in this case the school community. Therefore by ignoring the therapeutic power of dynamics of the group greatly reduces the ability of a worker like a volunteer to aid the members to attain their goals. This is very vital for any successful participation in volunteer work because it forms a benchmark for good workmanship. According to Engleberg & Wynn (p.245) argue that lack of training or wrong composition of the team will result in critical skill gaps that will most of the time lead to the decrease in the overall performance of the team. Moreover, the size of the team will influence the outcomes of the groups. By studying the relationship between the size of the group and group outcome in work places a negative relationship between the quality of the relationship among team members, size of the work group and organization was found. The processes of communication and patterns of interaction are paramount in group dynamics. These are very important components of social interaction that are an influence to the behavior and attitude of members of the group. The face to face group members have an experience of both verbal and non-verbal types of communication. Leaders who are effective in their work are to ensure that they listen attentively to the meaning

Case study report psychological needs of a subject Essay

Case study report psychological needs of a subject - Essay Example So in general we could describe the process of making a case study in the following way. At first, it is an analysis of the event than took place in reality; in the process you should define ways of solution for this specific case; you should think about the pros and cons of the rehabilitation strategies; and at last advise the best way out or a solution. There is a type or writing case studies, it's writing on psychological topics. These case studies involve a characteristic of a real person's problem. Fr the students' works also imagined people and the TV-show/book character are taken to examination. To begin the case study process we should mention at first place the client's background, namely age, gender, work, health status, family mental health history, family and social relationships, drug and alcohol history, life difficulties, goals, and coping skills and weaknesses. Then there should be described the very problem and the symptoms which suffers the subject in the case study. Here we should write every physical, mental and emotional feelings of a client. Then the psychotherapist should give the diagnosis and explain in what way he reached it and if it was difficult get to know what kind of disorder it is. Then the paper should include the intervention designed to help the person investigated. (1) Also the psychiatric therapy of treating the client and the client's possible response should be described. The effective and non-effective sides are to be analyzed. An information about the type of treatment should be provided. During the recent years, investigators have become gradually more interested in the psychological effect of injury and how sportsmen react to being injured. This resulted in an development of knowledge about the psychological rehabilitation made by sportsmen during the injury, and the successive effect of these on psychological state and strict adherence to rehabilitation course. Even though preferably the psychological support of injured sportsmen should be rendered by psychology professionals, in practice it is frequently implemented unceremoniously by physiotherapists. While physiotherapists normally approach to psychological components of injury as to very important issue, recent investigation shows that most of them do not consider themselves to be able to deal with these concepts and think that additional training is necessary (2). Moreover, a related analysis of patient's opinions showed that injured sportsmen think that doctors had not really considered the emotional effect o f their traumas(3).Let us examine one case of writing psychological case study. The subject is female, 20 years old soccer player. The problem lies in the following: she picked up injury in a game and dislocated the right shoulder; the injury is stopping her play. She is apprehensive of playing the game again. In general we can mention that any sport's activity includes a risk of getting injured. For example, in U.S. high schools the rate of traumatizing amongst teens from 15 to 20 is 12-30% per year. In Australia this rate is 20% per year, it is judging by the number of pupils attending the child emergency room. In the high sport the rate of injuries is even greater, amounting for 70-80% per year. And some studies have shown that the injury rate amongst elite sportsmen is 65% and 91% per year. From the point of view of the economy injuries of the sportsmen cost